European Foundation
Intelligence Digest
Issue No. 175
4th September 2003
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I. Is the Prodi commission about to collapse?
The Eurostat
scandal threatens to spin out of control, and many fear (or hope …) that it
might engulf and bring down the Prodi commission. Parallels are already being drawn with the Cresson affair which
destroyed the Santer commission in 1999.
Romano Prodi is to be cross-examined on 25th September by a
committee of the European Parliament about the allegations of fraud within the
Commission’s statistical body. At least
three commissars are under pressure, and may be forced to resign: Michaele Schreyer, the budget
commissar; Pedro Solbes, the monetary
commissar; and Neil Kinnock, the
commissar who was retained from the old Santer commission and who was supposed
to clean up the show. Prodi’s own
position is regarded as delicate because he had promised “zero tolerance” for
corruption within the Commission when he became the head of it after the
resignation of the ineffectual Jacques “pousse-café” Santer. On 25th September, Prodi is
expected to provide more information from the anti-fraud office, OLAF. Some of the MEPs who initially seemed to be
pushing themselves forward as great anti-corruption campaigners have, in recent
days, seemed to back-pedal somewhat: no
doubt they know that, when the writing is on the wall, the employees of the
various heads of the European hydra need to stick together or else they will
hang together. Hans-Gert Pöttering said
that it was too early to say who was responsible for what, while Enrique Baron
Crespo, the head of the socialist group, said that he was not in favour of a
crisis at the end of the European Parliament’s legislature. On the other hand, the natural rivalry
between the Parliament and the Commission is exacerbated by the fact that all
the three commissars who are currently in hot water are left-wingers, while the
majority in the Parliament is conservative.
[Philippe Ricard, Le
Monde, 3rd September 2003]
II.
Is the Stability Pact about to collapse?
The incoming president of the European Central Bank, Jean-Claude Trichet, who is due to appear before the European Parliament on 11th September, has contested the arguments put forward by the French government justifying its plan to cut taxes and increase its budget deficit to promote growth.
With the French budget deficit likely to be 4% of GDP in 2003, the famous Stability Pact, which limits deficits to 3% of GDP, is pretty much a dead letter.
Nearly everyone has attacked France for its cavalier attitude to the
rules. The Commission has expressed public regret at it, and a deficit
procedure is already pending against that country. The French Prime
Minister, Jean-Pierre Raffarin, is trying bravely to square the circle between
his commitment to “Europe” and his commitment to his own electorate. He is pleading that more state spending is
necessary to promote economic growth and jobs.
Romano Prodi has promised to be flexible but he has also demanded
“structural reforms” in return. Prodi has also expressed his scepticism that
tax cuts will help boost the economy.
But all the old arguments have been trotted out again, such as when
Raffarin said, “In the Growth and Stability Pact there is the word ‘growth’” –
even though the Pact is actually called “Stability and Growth” not the other
way around. Another French minister
said, “It is important that no one counts on us to please Brussels and push
unemployment above 10%.” The
commission, for its part, is talking both about “flexibility” and about its
obligation to apply the rules. [Christophe Jakubyszyn & Philippe
Ricard,Le Monde, 29th August 2003]
As if this were not enough, the knives are out for Germany as well. According to figures provided by the
German finance ministry, Germany is also likely to have a deficit of 3.8% of
GDP in 2003. The Bavarian Finance
Ministry says he expects the budget deficit to be as high as 4.3%. The high level of borrowing is being blamed,
among other things, on the high level of unemployment, which has been breaking
records in Germany. The Government
claims, however, that the deficit will go back under 3% in 2004. Berlin is still hoping to avoid the ignominy
of being the first country to be fined, under the terms of the Stability Pact,
for failing to balance its books. The
Commission seems to lend some credence to the idea that all will turn out all
right in 2004, although this is based on the German economy growing by 2%. The monetary commissar, Pedro Solbes, said
that Germany could not expect any special treatment, although he did –
astonishingly – then seem to suggest that Germany did merit special treatment
because of the particular costs associated with reunification (over ten years
ago!). “We have to take this into
consideration,” Solbes said. [Handelsblatt, 29th
August 2003]
With the eurozone’s two leading economies
out of control, the European Commission
is now predicting that the budget deficit of the eurozone as a whole will be 3%
or over this year, at which news the value of the euro fell sharply on foreign
exchanges. This figure contrasts
with the 2.5% which the Commission predicted for the eurozone last spring. [Le Figaro, Agence France Presse, 2nd
September 2003]
Small wonder, therefore,
if leading European figures have started to criticise France and Germany
openly. The Swedish Prime Minister,
Goran Persson, has attacked the two countries for their budget policies which,
he said, are damaging the economy of the whole of the EU. [Der Spiegel, 2nd
September 2003]. He said
they were guilty of having failed to bring their finances under control before
the euro was introduced. He claimed
that they should have reformed their economies in the 1990s, as Britain, Sweden
and Finland did. [Der
Spiegel, 2nd September 2003]
Now
Trichet has added his voice to the chorus of criticism. He has responded to statements by French
ministers by saying that, “It would be a mistake to believe that, in difficult
economic times, there is necessarily an advantage, from the point of view of
growth, of making bigger deficits.” He
claimed that public perception of a government which is spending too much would
have a negative impact on consumption and investment, and that this would
cancel out any positive “Keynesian” effects on growth. “In the final analysis, respect for the Pact
will strengthen confidence and, therefore, growth.” He said it would be “dangerous for the credibility of the whole
of the economic and monetary union” to modify the Pact. He claimed that 3% deficit gave national governments
a sufficiently large room for manoeuvre.
He added that the ECB was committed to growth and job creation, and that
this was reflected in the extremely low interest rates at the moment. Trichet also warned the new member states
against adopting the euro too quickly.
“When you enter, it is once and for all. There is no way out,” he said.
“It would be a mistake, for the country concerned and for the whole
system, to hurry into the euro without having made rigorous preparation.” He said that ECB could not be expected to
modify its policies for the benefits of the new member states, but rather for
them to adapt to everyone else. [Arnaud Leparmentier, Le Monde, 4th
September 2003]
Faced with their anaemic economies,
France and Germany are trying to find new ways of promoting growth. They want to propose common plans for a
European investment programme to their EU partners. The German Government has already drawn up a list of possible
investment projects and sent it to Paris for discussion. They include the laying of broad band
telecommunications cables; research projects for environmentally friendly
railway tracks for the transportation of goods; and offshore wind farms.
There are also classic public works projects like the extension of the
airport Berlin-Brandenburg and the construction of a magnetic suspension
railway in Munich. The purpose is to
have a joint list by 18th September, when there will be a
Franco-German meeting in Potsdam. The
idea is also to counter the proposal put forward by the Italian Presidency
which envisages spending €50 billion on infrastructure projects. The proposal, drawn up by the Italian
finance minister, Giulio Tremonti, has initially met with near universal
scepticism; now, it seems to be
unstoppable. So the French and the
Germans are at least trying to ensure that the money is spent on useful
projects. Oddly enough, the “useful”
projects put forward by the Germans are for construction projects in Germany,
while the “useless” ones they want to prevent include things like building a
bridge across the straits of Messina between Sicily and the Italian mainland… [Andreas Rinke & Christoph Nesshöver, Handelsblatt,
4th September 2003]
III.
Other European News
Opponents
of Euro-constitution meet in Prague
A group of politicians opposed to the
draft European constitution drawn up by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing has met in
Prague to agree a common position before the Intergovernmental Conference
starts next month. Fifteen
representatives from small and new member states (or future member states) met
in the Czech capital at the invitation of the Czech Government. The participants were: the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary,
Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Austria, Ireland, Greece, Estonia,
Lithuania, Latvia and Portugal. The
Benelux countries, which have also expressed their reservations about the draft
constitution, were also invited but said that they considered it “inopportune”
to join a specific group at this point.
The meeting lasted several hours and its work was pronounced
“positive” by
the Czech government. The fifteen did
not agree on a single common position but they did manage to establish which
points they do agree on. The biggest
areas of agreement concern the strengthening of the power of big countries in
the new constitution, and the project of creating a European army, which the
fifteen generally consider an unnecessary duplication of the work of Nato. Paris and Berlin have already expressed
their concern that the draft constitution will be re-opened in the IGC, and
they have done their best to prevent this – faithful as ever to their
preference for the work of big unelected committees, like the European
Convention, over the opinions of elected governments. When himself in Prague last week, Joschka Fischer, the German
foreign minister, warned the smaller countries against questioning the draft
constitution. “Whoever reopens the
consensus,” he said, meaning whoever questions it, “must be able to re-create
it or else we will be in a terrible situation.” The French prime minister has similarly said that he wants the
IGC to “go quickly” – in other words, for it not to contain any substantial
discussions. But there is considerable
opposition to the draft. Poland, for
instance, which is an important medium-sized country, is determined to preserve
the powers it gained at Nice, when the new voting arrangements in the Council
of Ministers and the European Parliament were painstakingly agreed. That balance of power is changed by
Giscard’s draft, which proposes to give more power to big countries from 2009
onwards. Poland has an ally in Spain on
this issue. Finland is strongly opposed
to the idea of having a European president, and it also wants each country to
keep its own commissioner, issues on which Austria is a strong ally. [Alexandrine Bouilhet, Le Figaro, 2nd September 2003]
Commission wants one country one vote
The European Commission is determined to bring its influence to bear on the Intergovernmental Conference which starts work on 4th October in Rome, and which is to put the finishing touches to the European constitution. Romano Prodi and Michel Barnier, who represented the Commission on the European Convention, have explained that there are still some important outstanding issues, even though they have been warned against unravelling the work of the Convention by trying to change significant things in the IGC. The main point about which they are concerned is that each country should have a commissar, something which is not in the draft constitution produced by the convention. In its current form, the new constitution provides for only fifteen commissars with full voting rights. This would leave seven countries with no voting rights in the Commission. Romano Prodi has strongly criticised the idea that some commissars could have voting rights and others not. “Such a system cannot work,” he has said. For him, all countries should be equal within the Commission. Mr. Prodi is also hostile to the concept of a president of the European Council being elected: this, he fears, will erode the traditional pre-eminence of the Commission over EU decision- and law-making. [Philippe Ricard, Le Monde, 29th August 2003]
‘No’ still ahead in Sweden
According to the latest polls, the percentage of Swedes who intend to
vote Yes to the euro on 14th September is between 32% and 37%, as
against between 48% and 50% who intend to vote No. The Swedish daily, Dagens Nyheter, has calculated that the
Yes camp would have to convert 25,000 Swedes a day for it now to win. The Yes camp has been severely damaged by
infighting within the government, which contains opponents of the euro. For instance, the Finance Minister has
attacked the Trade Minister for using “unfactual” arguments in favour of the
single currency. The Environment
Minister has similarly been accused of spreading “false information”. Even the prime minister himself felt moved
to attack his own culture minister: he
said that she did not know what she was talking about when she said that the EU
was evolving into a superstate to which it was a risk to attach oneself. A split within the Social Democratic Party
is now being openly talked about. [Catarina Persson, Die Welt, 29th August 2003]
Aznar
names his successor
The Spanish Prime Minister, José-Maria Aznar,
is trying to secure his own succession, and the continuity of his policies, by
appointing Mariano Rajoy, the deputy prime minister and spokesman for the
government, to lead the list of the Popular Party (Partido Popular) at next
March’s elections. The two main policy
areas in which Aznar wants to ensure continuity are a strongly Atlanticist
foreign policy and a relative firm attitude vis-à-vis regionalisms in
Spain. In preparation for taking over
the reins of power, Mr Rajoy is set to leave the government and to be elected
as Secretary General of Partido Popular, a post which Mr. Aznar
currently holds but which he intends to relinquish in 2005. [El Mundo, 1st September
2003]
‘No
doubt’ about euro army HQ next year
The Belgian
Prime Minister, Guy Verhofstadt, has said that “there is no doubt” that a
military headquarters for the European Union will be in place by 2004. He said that the EU’s new military HQ would
definitely be set up at Tervuren, a suburb of Brussels, despite the British
proposal to station the EU’s HQ within NATO headquarters in Mons. [Agence France Presse, 2nd September 2003]
His
proposal is designed precisely to counter the British proposal. According to one Nato officer, “Our present
working arrangements are in fact what the British are proposing.” There are, indeed, ten officers from an EU
staff group working at Mons, and they take part in the weekly planning meetings
of the Atlantic alliance anyway, within the framework of the military operation
known as “Concordia” which is currently under way in Macedonia. Tony Blair’s “Food for Thought” paper, which
was presented to all fifteen member states as the basis for discussion, is
therefore in reality, “nothing but the formalisation of this ad hoc
arrangement,” according to a Nato source.
EU sources see the Blair paper as “a test balloon” in which the British
government is trying to reconcile its European and Atlantic commitments. It is also a counter-reaction - albeit a
slightly delayed one – to the meeting held in Tervuren on 29th April
between four EU states (France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg) at which the
intention was declared to create a European “defence” (i.e. military)
union. It is now expected that the
Blair paper will form the basis for the discussions between the 25 defence
ministers from present and future EU states who are meeting on the invitation
of the Italian EU presidency to discuss security policy. [Katja
Riddersbusch, Die Welt, 27th August 2003]
The smart money
is apparently no longer on the chances of Joschka Fischer becoming the first EU
foreign minister. Instead, two other
people are being talked about as more likely to get the job: George Papandreou, the 51 year-old
American-born Greek foreign minister who is a graduate of the LSE and
Harvard; and Javier Solana, the man who
currently occupies the post of High Representative for Common Foreign and
Security Policy. His term ends in 2004
but some are suggesting that it be extended until 2006, when the new
constitution is supposed to come into force, at which point he could switch to
the new job. There is also speculation
about how the Commission will be constituted:
normally, a new Commission would be elected next year and serve until
2009. But EU sources say that it is
“quite possible” that the EU governments would appoint a new Commission in 2004
for a period of only 2 years, so that a new Commission could be appointed in
2006. The point is that the new EU
foreign minister is, according to the draft constitution, also supposed to be
the commissar for foreign relations, i.e. the jobs currently done by Javier
Solana and Chris Patten are to be fused into one. [Katja
Riddersbusch, Die Welt, 30th August 2003]
In an ominous
movement, the imprisoned leader of the terrorist Kurdish People’s Party (PKK,
now called Kadek), Abdullah Öçalan, has declared that the four-year ceasefire
with Turkey is over. In a message
broadcast by Kurdish media in Turkey on 1st September, Öçalan said
that those PKK leaders who were still at large should now decide for themselves
what measures to take. He specifically
warned Turkey that a new war might break out.
There are still some 5,000 PKK rebels in Northern Iraq, and they have
declared inadequate an amnesty recently granted by the Turkish government. [Der Spiegel, 1st September 2003] Indeed, it is their
principal claim now, and that of Öçalan, that Ankara has “forced” them to take
up the armed struggle again. The
Turkish government, which simply considers the PKK to be a terrorist
organisation, has never formally taken any notice of the “cease-fire” – there
is no “peace process”, as in Northern Ireland – but recent years have seen a
sharp decline in the number of attacks.
More than 36,000 people have died in the fighting between the PKK and
the Turks since the guerrilla operation started in 1984. [Le Monde, 2nd September
2003]
Der Kampf
um Europa
A pro-European
monthly has published an interview with Winrich Behr in which Behr says, “I see
no problem in transferring foreign and security policy to the federal European
level.” The subtitle proudly announces
the fact that Behr served, during the war, in the staff of the commander of the
6th German army under Marshal Paulus, and then under Marshal Rommel,
before joining up with Jean Monnet in the fight for peace. Behr, who holds the Knights Cross of the
Afrika Corps, said, “There is not much difference between the president of the
High Authority [the forerunner of the European Commission] and a Heeresgruppe
[army group]. In both cases, there is a chief and his collaborators who must
give him solutions in a short time.” [La Quinazine européenne, No. 43, 21st
July – 31st August 2003]