Issue No. 161
20th
February 2003
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I. The Audit of War
Ten countries signed a declaration of support for the position taken by the USA and Britain in the Iraq crisis: Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. They have been branded “the new Europe” by Donald Rumsfeld, as opposed to the “old Europe” of the Franco-German axis. But how new are these governments? Albania is governed by the party of Enver Hoxha, for forty years one of the worst Stalinist dictators in Europe; the president of Bulgaria is a former communist; the president of Croatia was the last communist president of old socialist Yugoslavia, while his prime minister was the Ideology Secretary in the Yugoslav League of Communists; the president of Estonia is the former president of the Supreme Soviet of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic; the prime minister of Lithuania is the former First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party; the government of Macedonia is in the hands of former communists; the president of Romania rose to prominence as head of the Communist Youth under the Romanian dictator, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, before becoming a member of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party under Nicolae Ceauşescu; the president of Slovakia was a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia and for 20 years a senior local communist boss; while the current president of Slovenia was for years deputy to his predecessor, who had been the communist head of Slovenia since 1986. Prior to the open letter signed by the “Vilnius 10”, moreover, three countries, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic joined five current EU members in signing up to the war on Iraq [see Digest Issue No.160]: the prime minister and president of Poland were both Communists until the bitter end, while the prime minister of Hungary used to be an agent for the Hungarian equivalent of the KGB.
The British prime minister, Tony Blair, has written to all the 13
candidate countries that rallied behind the Anglo-American position on Iraq, to
congratulate them on their stance and to criticise the Greek presidency of the
EU for failing to invite them to the extraordinary EU summit in Brussels. This comes one day after Mr. Chirac
delivered the most extraordinary rebuke to them. Mr Chirac said that the candidate countries had “missed a good
opportunity to shut up” when they signed the letter of the eight (Britain, Spain,
Italy, Portugal, Denmark, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic). As for the “Vilnius 10”, who signed an open
letter approving Colin Powell’s statement to the United Nations, Chirac said,
“These countries have shown themselves to be badly brought up and somewhat
insouciant about the dangers implied by allying themselves so rapidly with the
American position.” The president of
the Republic continued, “I consider that Romania and Bulgaria were particularly
irresponsible to behave in this way because their position is already very
delicate with regard to Europe. If they
had wanted to reduce their chances of being admitted to the EU, they could have
chosen no better way of doing it than this.”
He went on to say that belonging to a Union implied acting in concert
with other states. “If, on the first
difficult subject, countries start giving their point of view without having
consulted the others in any way, that is not a very responsible way of carrying
on. At any rate, it is not very
polite.” He also said that he found
their behaviour “rather infantile”, and said that the acts of the candidate
states would understandably increase hostility towards EU enlargement in the
existing EU member states. These harsh
words are likely to be extremely unwelcome in the candidate states, especially
since it is widely believed that France, together with Germany and Greece, was
responsible for their not being invited to the special summit on Monday. Chirac made a deliberate rebuke to Donald
Rumsfeld on Monday when he welcomed “this brilliant testimony of old
Europe”. [Laurent Zecchini, Le Monde, 19th
February 2003] Chirac’s
remarks were attacked by the Polish foreign minister and by the deputy foreign
minister of Bulgaria. A spokesman for
the Slovak minister of foreign affairs said that Mr. Chirac’s words were
unjustified: the spokesman pointed out
that the EU had not, in fact, even reached a common position until Monday, more
than a week after the open letter of the 10,
“So the 10 could not participate in any common position,” he
emphasised. The Hungarian prime
minister dismissed the remarks by saying, “I am well brought up enough not to
respond to such declarations.” But
Chirac was supported by Louis Michel, the Belgian foreign minister, and by
Romano Prodi, the president of the European Commission. Chris Patten, the EU commissar for foreign
relations, said, “The EU is not the Warsaw Pact and therefore we should show a
certain generosity when people disagree with us.” [Le Monde,
18th February 2003] One EU diplomat said that Chirac had only spoken openly what many in
the EU thought secretly. [Handelsblatt, 18th
February 2003]
Fischer
reaffirms Germany’s position
Following the
common statement adopted by the EU in Brussels on Monday, the German foreign
minister, Joschka Fischer, has insisted that there has been no change in
Germany’s opposition to the war. He was
responding to attacks from the Christian Democrat opposition leader, Angela
Merkel, that the EU declaration, which did not rule out the use of military
force against Iraq, represented a change of policy by the German
government. Merkel said it was
essential for the EU to co-operate with the USA. A CSU politician, Michael Glos, said that Brussels had “sunk Goslar”
– it was in Goslar in January that Schröder had unambiguously ruled out German
support for an Iraq war in the Security Council. Glos said that Germany’s “special path” was not entirely at an
end, but that since Monday Germany was “being steered back into the European
boat” (sic.) Glos said that this change
was due to the influence of Joschka Fischer.
[Die Welt, 18th
February 2003] Reports
suggest that Nato may ask Germany to send its “Fox” armoured personnel carriers
to Turkey: these are particularly
useful for chemical and biological warfare; Germany has 114 of them, and its
soldiers are well trained to use them.
Germany may therefore find that it is forced to send troops into
something which will appear indistinguishable, to most people, from actual
participation in the war. [Katja Riddersbusch, Die Welt, 20th
February 2003]
II. Other European News
German
economics institute predicts no recovery
The Ifo
institute in Munich has said that it sees hardly any prospects of an economic
recovery in Germany in 2003, even if there is no war against Iraq. Its boss, Hans-Werner Sinn, said, “I think
that we can no longer expect the long awaited recovery in 2003. Instead, the best we can hope for is a slow
improvement.” Sinn said that the
capacity for growth “which is strengthened by investment and which leads to job
creation, has moved to other countries,” i.e. the growth has not occurred in
Germany. The Ifo institute now predicts
growth of 1.1% in 2003, as against the prediction of 2.3% it made in August
2002. Sinn said that Germany had to
reduce the cost of its welfare state, “which has become too expensive”, and
that labour laws had to be reformed.
“We must tighten the belt further,” he said, “there is no
alternative.” [Interview with Sinn in La Stampa, 17th
February 2003]
Bundesbank
figures confirm recession
Even the Ifo
institute’s meagre growth figures seem rosier than the Bundesbank’s report,
which suggests that the German economy may be in its second recession in two
years. The Bundesbank economists have
concluded, after studying the contraction of the economy in the last quarter of
2002, that the German economy is in “a phase of quasi-stagnation”. When the figures are finally sorted out for
last quarter, the bank will be able to declare whether Germany is formally in
recession or not; “recession” means
negative growth for two successive quarters.
The Bundesbank says that a relaxing of geopolitical tensions is
essential if there is to be any chance of economic recovery. If there is a war in the Gulf, the bank
says, “it is likely that there will be a durable rise in the price of oil and a
renewed regression in the world economy.”
On the other hand, the bank emphasises that many of the factors
contributing to Germany’s woes are homemade.
The European Central Bank is also predicting very precarious growth for
the whole euro-zone in 2003. [Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 18th
February 2003]
Schily calls
for EU border police
The German
Interior Minister, Otto Schily, has called for the creation of an EU border
police force. “Common will is not enough,” he told a police congress, “we need
common structures.” He suggested the creation of a steering committee for the
immediate co-ordination of border protection, which he said should be able to
intervene in national policy-making. Schily
left open the possibility that this might mean the external borders of the EU
being policed by a multi-national EU border police force. He said that criminality and terrorism had
to be fought across national borders:
only then would people would have confidence in EU enlargement, which he
claimed would lead to an improvement in EU security. [Die Welt,
18th February 2003]
Brussels
delays agreement on EU energy tax
Meeting on
Tuesday, European Finance Ministers have been unable to agree on a minimum
level of tax on energy. The spokesman for
the Ecofin council said that the next meeting on the matter had been put off
until March, but that there would be bilateral discussions between now and
then. The idea of imposing a minimum
tax on energy has been on the agenda since 1997, and it was agreed in principle
at the Barcelona summit last year.
Taxes are to be harmonised on diesel, gas, electricity and oil. The disagreement concerns mainly what
exemptions to grant. When the oil price rose in 2000, transport companies
protested and numerous governments, including France and Italy, responded with
tax cuts. However, the EU allowed these
only until 2002. The German finance
minister said at the meeting on Monday that any rise in the oil price as a
result of an attack on Iraq should be met with a co-ordinated tax policy. Germany is keen to get an agreement on the
minimum energy tax because it has high taxes on energy itself. [Handelsblatt, 18th
February 2003]
The EU is close to
reaching an agreement with Switzerland on the taxation of savings. The Greek finance minister said that they
had never been so close to an agreement as now. In January, the EU ministers agreed on a directive for
cross-border taxation of savings. For
the time being, Austria, Luxembourg and Belgium are being allowed to continue
to levy tax at source without participating
in the “information exchange” which the EU is trying to force
Switzerland to join. The EU is
determined to get Switzerland to sign up to an agreement, because it wants to
prevent EU citizens from escaping its own taxes by opening accounts there. [Handelsblatt, 18th February 2003]
The cardinal
rule of Czech democracy seems to be that the candidate with the most votes
cannot be allowed to win at any price.
The Czech presidential elections are due to go into their third round on
28th February: the two previous rounds in this parliamentary
election produced clear wins for the opposition candidate, the former prime
minister Václav Klaus, but the rules of the game require more than a simple
majority. In each successive round, the
governing coalition has selected different candidates. Their third choice is now a professor of
philosophy and former “dissident” Jan Sokol, who served as minister for
education in the 1998 “caretaker” government in Prague led by Josef
Tosovsky. If this third round fails to
elect a candidate, which seems possible, then it is likely that the
constitution will be amended to allow the president to be elected by universal
suffrage. The only problem with that is
that Václav Klaus is also the most popular candidate among ordinary
voters. His unpopularity, however, with
the New World Order, already high considering his scepticism towards the EU,
will have been heightened still further by his opposition to the Kosovo war in
1999 and by his abstention in a recent vote in the Czech parliament authorising
the dispatch of Czech troops to the Gulf.
[Radio Free Europe
Newsline, 18th February 2003]
The
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has indicted three
members of the Kosovo Liberation Army and the leader of the Serbian Radical
Party, Vojislav Šešelj for war crimes.
The three Albanians, Haradin Balaj, Isak Musliu and Agim Murtezi, have
been arrested by the Kfor troops in Kosovo.
The Hague has for a long time been trying to present itself as
even-handed, and is usually accused of indicting mainly Serbs: this latest move
is no doubt intended to attenuate that perception. The indictment of Šešelj also has the advantage of putting
pressure on the most powerful opposition politician in Serbia today: his strong showing in the failed elections
for the presidency of Serbia prevented the New World Order candidate, Vojislav
Koštunica, from winning. The Albanians
are accused of executing Serb and Albanian prisoners near Glogovac. The trial has also opened in Pristina of
four Albanians accused of torturing other Albanians accused of being loyal to
Belgrade. One of them, Rustem Mustafa -
“Commander Remi” – is said to be popular in Kosovo. His arrest last year caused demonstrations in Kosovo. Šešelj, for his part, is accused of war
crimes in Bosnia between 1992 and 1993, when he was the head of a paramilitary group. He has said that he will go to The Hague on
24th February to answer these accusations. [Le Monde,
19th February 2003]
Malta divided
Trade unions and the opposition are fighting the government in Malta over EU membership. The former are against and the government is in favour; but this makes Malta the only candidate country (with the partial exception of Poland) whose leading opposition party is opposed to EU membership. There is to be a referendum on EU membership on 8th March. The current leader of the opposition Labour Party, Alfred Sant, stopped the whole accession process while he was prime minister from 1996 to 1998. He has said that he will not recognise the result of the referendum, which is merely consultative. Although the European Union is not particularly concerned if Malta votes No – it will save them a lot of money having to translate everything into Maltese, for a country with merely 400,000 inhabitants – the commissars are worried that an early No vote in the series of referendums might have a contagious effect on the other countries. Günther Verheugen, the commissar for enlargement, visited the island trying to drum up support for EU membership: Mr Sant just retorted, “Verheugen can come here with his graphs showing how much better off we will all be. But we can show him pictures of the bombs which the Germans dropped on us during the war.” The deputy leader of the opposition added, “If you are a big country and you give up two thirds of your sovereignty, you can wield it at the European level. But we are giving up everything without knowing how we will get it back again.” Opposition to the EU comes from various quarters: the Catholics are suspicious of the EU’s louche morals, the hunters like to shoot migratory birds and the general population does not want to be flooded with Sicilian immigrants or German and British holidaymakers buying up property. The fact that Malta has negotiated derogations on these and other matters has not mollified the opposition. Relations with Libya are also an issue. [Arnaud Leparmentier, Le Monde, 11th February 2003]
Nearly three months after the general
election, the leading party in the Austrian government has still not decided
whether to ally itself with the socialists or the Freedom Party. The leadership of the Austrian People’s Party was
due to meet on Thursday to decide between these two policy options. So far, it seems as if the closest agreement
has been reached between the two previous coalition partners, namely with the
Freedom Party. Leading figures in the
FPÖ have said that their party is ready to govern. Meanwhile, the Social Democrats have been complaining that the Chancellor
has led them up the garden path and held discussions which he never thought
would actually lead anywhere. On the
other hand, a new coalition with the FPÖ will annoy a lot of people in
Chancellor Schüssel’s own party, since it was the FPÖ which brought the
previous coalition down with its own internal bickering. [Der Standard, 19th February; Die Welt, 18th February
2003]
Fidesz cuts up awkward
The leading opposition party in Hungary has started to get awkward with the government over a certain number of important policy issues. It has, for instance, demanded that the government explain what is going on in the former Soviet military base at Taszar, where some 3,000 Iraqis are currently undergoing secret training. Now they have also blocked a vote which would allow the US to use Hungarian roads, railways and airspace for transporting military equipment towards the Middle East. Fidesz has said it first wants to know whether any shipments to Turkey are linked to the impending attack on Iraq, which is opposed by more than 80% of the Hungarian population. Since four-fifths of deputies must approve the necessary waiver, the vote failed to go through.
EU and UN radicalise Cyprus
The European Union and the United Nations have presented Cyprus with two ultimatums, demanding that the Greek South and the Turkish North sign a plan drawn up by Kofi Annan. The EU has said that this is the condition for the whole island to enter the European Union; otherwise, only the Greek South will join. Although this has generated a flurry of activity among the pro-EU camp – led, in the North, by the Chamber of Commerce and by the fugitive business tycoon, Asil Nadir – it has also destabilised the politics of the South and the economy of the North. In the North, banks have started to call in their mortgages on houses in the territory which the plan demands that the Turks return to the Greeks. In the South, however, the plan has backfired even more spectacularly, and has probably retarded any solution rather than hastened it. The veteran president of the Greek South, Glafkos Clerides, lost last Sunday’s presidential election to Tassos Papadopoulos. The hard-line Papadopoulos beat his rival by accusing him of being too emollient on the issue of property restitution; it is true, indeed, that Clerides had a good working relationship with the president of the North, Rauf Denktash. Papadopoulos, by contrast, used to be a paramilitary in the IRA-style EOKA (National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters) which committed numerous terrorist acts against British colonial rule in the 1950s and which then went on to attempt to ethnically cleanse the island of its Turks. In 1966, when Denktash was arrested by the Greek Cypriots, Papadopoulos, by then a minister, ordered him to be shot. It was only because Archbishop Makarios, the president of Cyprus, countermanded this order that Denktash survived. Now the two old enemies face each other across the green line – as clear an illustration as might be wished for of how international interference usually makes things worse, not better.
Published by The European Foundation, 62,
Brompton Road, London SW3 1BW
Tel. + 44 20 7590 9901, fax 7590 9975, euro.foundation@e-f.org.uk